On 1 July, President Milei signed decree 445/2025, introducing major changes to law 27.192 and dissolving the National Agency for Controlled Material (ANMaC), an independent body created in 2015 by broad Congressional consensus to prevent gun violence. It will be replaced by an office under the Ministry of Security focused mainly on firearms registration. The decree follows earlier measures that deregulate the gun market, including lifting a ban on civilian access to high-caliber semiautomatic weapons, lowering the legal age for purchase, and loosening the process for obtaining permits. Civil society groups have urged Congress to reject the decree, warning that it shifts policy from violence prevention to mere registry and risks fuelling gun violence. They argue that lifting the ban on semiautomatics and lowering the purchasing age could flood the legal market with weapons and feed organized crime. Critics also denounce the use of presidential decrees to bypass legislation passed by Congress with broad support.

Sources: El Pais, Red Argentina para el Desarme, Chequeado, Pagina 12, Presidencia de la Nacion
 

On 10 June, Argentina’s Supreme Court upheld a 2022 federal court conviction of former president Cristina Fernández de Kirchner on corruption charges, rejecting her appeals. The ruling permanently bans her from holding public office and sentences her to six years in prison, to be served under house arrest. Tens of thousands Fernández de Kirchner’s supporters demonstrated against the ruling nationwide, calling it an undemocratic attempt to sideline the opposition’s leading figure. In an already polarized political climate, the verdict has sharply divided legal experts and politicians. Some view it as a victory for judicial independence and accountability, while others see it as a politically motivated move, rushed through ahead of critical midterm elections. Her legal team has announced plans to appeal the decision to the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, although experts note that the process may take several years and is unlikely to yield different results.

Sources: International IDEA, Chequeado, El pais, Buenos Aires Times, La Nacion

On 17 June, President Javier Milei announced significant changes to Argentina’s federal police through Decree 383/2025. The decree aims to redefine the functions, objectives and mission of the federal police, transforming it into a criminal investigation force. Human rights organizations have raised concerns, warning that the decree grants the police discretionary powers to carry out arrests and surveillance without judicial warrants under weak oversight mechanisms. They argue that the vague provisions could enable the criminalization of dissent and cyber-patrolling of opponents with grave impacts on civil liberties. Critics also contend that such structural reforms require congressional approval and broad public debate involving civil society. Opposition politicians have announced plans to challenge the decree, calling it unconstitutional for exceeding the scope of the legislative powers granted to President Milei under the controversial ‘Ley Bases’.

Sources: El Pais, Centro de Estudios Legales y Sociales, Chequeado, Presidencia de la Nacion, Infobae, International IDEA

On 29 May, the government issued a ‘Necessity and Urgency Decree’ (No. 366/2025) to reform the country’s migration legal framework, sparking criticism over the executive bypassing Congress. The reform tightens conditions for acquiring permanent residency and citizenship, denies entry to migrants with any criminal record and accelerates deportation procedures. It makes migrants making ‘significant monetary investment’ eligible for citizenship regardless of time of stay. It also ends free public healthcare for temporary or irregular migrants, except in emergencies, and allows national universities to charge tuition fees to temporary migrants. Human rights and migrant-rights organizations have criticized the decree, arguing that the executive bypassed Congress and failed to justify the issue as necessary and urgent. They note that previous legislation resulted from broad social dialogue and was unanimously approved in both chambers and was widely praised as effective until now.

Sources: Boletin Oficial, Centro de Estudios Legales y Sociales, BBC, Pagina 12
 

On 3 April, the Argentine Senate rejected President Milei’s two nominees for the Supreme Court: federal judge Ariel Lijo and law professor Manuel García-Mansilla. This followed Milei’s controversial decision to bypass the Congress by appointing both nominees by presidential decree, arguing that the constitution granted him the authority to do so during a congressional recess. This action was widely criticized as an overreach of executive power and a threat to judicial independence. After the Senate’s rejection, García-Mansilla, who had already assumed his position, submitted his resignation to the executive. Lijo had not been allowed to assume his role, as the Supreme Court refused to accept his appointment while he remained on leave from his federal judgeship, insisting he first resign. He had therefore decided to wait for Senate confirmation. As a result, Argentina’s Supreme Court remains with only three of its five seats filled. Legal experts have praised the Senate’s decision as a necessary stand against what they see as one of the most serious threats to judicial independence in the country’s democratic era.

Sources: AP News, International IDEA, Chequeado (1), Chequeado (2), Infobae