
Zimbabwe

Zimbabwe performs in the low range in two categories of the Global State of Democracy framework: Representation and Rule of Law. It performs in the mid-range in Rights and Participation. It is in the bottom 25 per cent of countries with regard to multiple factors of Rights and Rule of Law. Over the last five years, Zimbabwe has experienced notable declines in Economic Equality and Gender Equality. It is a lower-middle income country with an economy driven by the agricultural, mining, and tourism sectors.
Since the late 1990s, Zimbabwe has experienced a protracted period of economic and political crisis, marked by historic hyperinflation of 89.7 sextillion per cent, punitive slum clearances, the violent seizure of white-owned farms and the eviction of hundreds of thousands of farmworkers.
Zimbabwe’s history of racial and ethnic discrimination means that these identities have an important political salience. The prominence of nativist politics in Zimbabwe since the 1990s, for example, owes much to the British colonial legacy of entrenched white privilege. The politics of race have been particularly visible in relation to land ownership. Also of political significance is the ethnic-regionalism present in the western provinces of Matabeleland, a phenomenon that has antecedents in the unaddressed scars of extreme violence against the Ndebele people in the 1980s by the government of the time. Today, Zimbabwe has two main self-identified indigenous groups, the Tshwa and Doma, the majority of whom live below the poverty line. Many face discrimination, societal insecurity, low employment levels, and limited political participation. Other minority groups include the Ndebele and Kalanga, Tonga, Shangaan, Venda, and whites.
The principal cleavage among Zimbabweans is political partisanship, and it is to this end that politicians have invoked these identities. The cleavage divides the supporters of the ruling Zanu-PF from a handful of opposition parties, the most prominent of which is the Citizens Coalition for Change. Polarization across this divide is high and is fuelled by the distinct demographic groups (Zanu-PF supporters who are overwhelmingly rural dwellers, less educated, older and female, and opposition supporters with the pattern reversed) and by their divergent news consumption, with partisans favouring separate news outlets.
In Zimbabwe, gender inequality and discrimination remain an obstacle for advancing women’s rights. Despite a progressive institutional framework to tackle gender-based violence, violence remains prevalent. Women also face structural barriers, and many are excluded from political participation, higher education, and the labour market.
The fragility of Zimbabwe’s democracy was laid bare when its long-serving independence leader, President Robert Mugabe, was deposed in a 2017 military coup that installed Mugabe’s estranged former-vice president (Emmerson Mnangagwa) as the new leader of the Zanu-PF party. While many were cautiously hopeful for democratic and economic reforms, the post-coup landscape has been marked by a deepening securitisation of politics, lawfare, state capture, and the violent repression of dissenting voices. Furthermore, little progress has been made to stabilise Zimbabwe’s economy, with misgovernance undermining efforts to boost economic growth.
Looking ahead, it will be important to watch Free Political Parties, as the opposition continues to be subjected to judicial harassment, repression, electoral exclusion and various other constraints. Civil Society also bears close monitoring, in light of the government’s renewed attempt to enact the Private Voluntary Organisations (PVO) Amendment Bill 2024, a piece of legislation that would significantly restrict civil society organisations. Zanu-PF’s new two-thirds majority in the National Assembly raises the prospect of further amendments to the 2013 constitution, including an extension of the presidential term limit. Previous constitutional amendments initiated by the ruling party increased presidential power, including the power to determine the composition of the judiciary.
Last updated: December 2024
https://www.idea.int/democracytracker/
March 2025
Zimbabweans shut down the country in first mass protest since 2019
On 31 March, Zimbabweans participated in a national ‘stayaway’ that shut down schools, public transport and businesses across the country in the first mass protest since 2019. The stayaway was in response to calls for street protests against President Mnangagwa made by Blessed Geza, a former member of the ruling Zanu-PF party who is pushing for Mnangagwa to be replaced by his vice president, Constantino Chiwenga, citing corruption and economic mismanagement. However, most chose to stay away rather than take to the streets, amid a heightened police presence. The Zimbabwean police said they had arrested 95 protesters and local press reported that nine journalists were briefly detained. The stayaway took place against a backdrop of growing political tensions over attempts by some within Zanu-PF to extend Mnangagwa’s term beyond the constitutionally mandated limit.
Sources: British Broadcasting Corporation (1), The Africa Report, British Broadcasting Corporation (2), New Zimbabwe, Africa Confidential
February 2025
Political violence surges amid rising tensions over presidential term extension agenda
Political violence surged in February, driven by rising political tensions over attempts by some within the ruling Zanu-PF party to extend President Mnangagwa’s term beyond the constitutionally mandated limit. These efforts, known as the ‘2030 agenda’, have split the party, pitting Mnangagwa and his allies against another faction led by his vice president. The agenda has also drawn criticism from the political opposition and civil society and has increasingly destabilised the country. The Zimbabwe Peace Project (ZPP), an NGO, reported that 7,292 people had been affected by human rights violations in February, up from 3,161 in January 2025 and 1,460 in December 2024. These violations included threats of violence, politically motivated assaults, unfair distribution of food aid, and restrictions on freedom of assembly, association and expression. The majority of abuses were perpetrated by people connected to Zanu-PF and while most victims were politically unaffiliated, ZPP noted an increase in intra-party violence within the ruling party.
Sources: ISS Africa, Africa Confidential, Zimbabwe Peace Project (1), Zimbabwe Peace Project (2), Zimbabwe Peace Project (3)
December 2024
Zimbabwe abolishes the death penalty
On 31 December, President Mnangagwa signed into law the Death Penalty Abolition Bill which, with immediate effect, ends the practice of capital punishment, prohibits Zimbabwean courts from imposing capital sentences and mandates them to re-sentence prisoners who had received a death sentence. The legislation, however, contains a clause authorising the use of the death penalty during a public emergency. Zimbabwe has not carried out the death penalty since 2005, but prior to the legal abolition of the practice courts had continued to hand down capital sentences and, according to Amnesty International, there were at least 59 people on death row at the end of 2023.
Sources: Death Penalty Abolition Act, The Herald, Amnesty International
October 2024
Zimbabwean parliament passes bill restricting CSO freedom
On 17 October, Zimbabwe’s parliament passed a piece of legislation, which analysts say will significantly restrict the ability of civil society organisations (CSOs) to operate freely. The Private Voluntary Organisations (PVO) Amendment Bill 2024 amends the regulations governing CSOs. Its stated aims include countering money laundering and the financing of terrorism and preventing ‘the abuse of charitable giving for political or socially undesirable ends’. In vague and broad terms, it grants the executive extensive powers to monitor and intervene in the running of CSOs, including replacing an organisation’s executive committee. It also criminalises CSOs who engage in political activism, with offenders liable to a heavy fine or a prison sentence. An earlier version of the Bill was passed by parliament in 2023 but was returned by President Emmerson Mnangagwa for reconsideration amidst strong opposition and lapsed at the end of the previous parliamentary term.
Sources: The Private Voluntary Organisations (PVO) Amendment Bill HB 2A, 2024, Veritas Zimbabwe (1), Veritas Zimbabwe (2), New Zimbabwe, United Nations
See all event reports for this country
Global ranking per category of democratic performance in 2023
Basic Information
Human Rights Treaties
Performance by category over the last 6 months
Global State of Democracy Indices
Hover over the trend lines to see the exact data points across the years
Factors of Democratic Performance Over Time
Use the slider below to see how democratic performance has changed over time