
Djibouti

Djibouti performs in the low range across all categories of the GSoDI framework, with especially low performance in Representation. It ranks within the bottom 25 per cent of countries on most factors. Djibouti is a lower-middle income state, with an economy largely based on the provision of services connected with its large port complex on the Gulf of Aden and the Red Sea. The country has high rates of inequality, poverty, and endemic corruption. Poverty levels are particularly high amongst the small rural population, whose subsistence farming has been hindered by the country’s vulnerability to the effects of climate change. The strategic importance of Djibouti’s location means that it has come to host several foreign military bases that generate significant revenue.
Present-day Djibouti is thought to have been inhabited since the neolithic age and, following the introduction of Islam to the area in the ninth century, was ruled by a series of sultanates. Between the late nineteenth century and 1977 it was first a colony and then an overseas territory of France, under whose rule ethnic identities were essentialised and became the basis for political participation. Alongside geopolitical issues, ethnic tensions are one of the primary drivers of Djibouti’s politics.
The country has a dominant party system—in which the main party enjoys a four-fifths parliamentary majority—and has been ruled by President Ismail Omar Guelleh since 1999, when he succeeded his uncle. Guelleh presides over a highly personalised regime, that has maintained power through nepotism, patronage, and coercion, limiting rights and arresting journalists and political opponents. While Djibouti holds regular elections, they have frequently been boycotted by opposition parties, who have questioned their credibility. The judicial system lacks independence and has been weaponised by the regime against its opponents.
Guelleh and most other governing party officials are members of the Issa Somali ethnic group, which comprises approximately 60 per cent of the population and fought an insurgency against members of the Afar minority (approximately 35 per cent) in the early 1990s. Interethnic tensions between these two groups also date back to post-independence politics, at which point the Afar people were politically sidelined in response to their being favoured by the French colonial administration. Despite constitutional guarantees of equal rights, Djiboutian women face discrimination, and there are gender gaps across education, employment, and political representation. Djiboutian law is largely silent on the rights of LGBTQIA+ people, and societal norms do not allow for discussion and expression of LGBTQIA+ identities.
Access to Djibouti’s ports for its landlocked neighbours gives it regional importance, but it has also made it a prime transit site for illicit arms trade and human trafficking. Djibouti plays a stabilizing role in the Horn of Africa and hosts refugees from the region. It remains politically stable, partly due to the unfettered power of the current regime, which, despite its repression of opposition and human rights organizations, can rely on external support due to Djibouti’s strategic geopolitical importance.
Going forward, it will be important to watch all categories of democratic performance. The state anti-corruption initiatives should be monitored to assess any possibility of improvement. Relatedly, there is a need for job growth to accompany economic growth in Djibouti. Otherwise, unemployment levels, especially among women, could impact poverty-related food insecurity; the Basic Welfare and Gender Equality indicators should be monitored with this in mind.
Last updated: May 2025
https://www.idea.int/democracytracker/
February 2023
Ruling coalition wins 94% of vote in Djibouti’s parliamentary elections
On 24 February, Djibouti held a parliamentary election, and in a result that was widely anticipated President Ismaïl Omar Guelleh’s ruling coalition, the Union for the Presidential Majority (UMP), received 94 per cent of the vote. This vote share translated into 58 of the National Assembly’s 65 seats (up from 57 in 2018), with the remaining 7 seats won by the Djibouti Union for Democracy and Justice, the only opposition party to contest the elections. The result maintains Guelleh’s control over the National Assembly, which has been dominated by the party he leads, the People’s Rally for Progress (latterly through the UMP) since independence in 1977. Djibouti’s main opposition parties boycotted the election, calling it ‘a sham.’ However, international observers from the African Union and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) characterized the poll as free and fair. Notwithstanding reports of low voter turnout from the local media and election observers, the government reported it to be 75.9 per cent (up from 61.8 per cent in 2018).
Sources: The Constitutional Council, Voice of America, Inter-Parliamentary Union, African Union, Intergovernmental Authority on Development, Al Jazeera, International IDEA
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