A journalist for the news website Detik retracted an op-ed in May criticizing the appointment of Army general Djaka Budi Utama to a high-level Finance Ministry position after being physically assaulted twice by masked attackers the same day the op-ed was published. The editorial criticized Djaka’s appointment as being outside the scope allowed for active-duty generals as permitted by law, as well as for his conviction in 1999 for overseeing the kidnapping and ‘disappearing’ of pro-democracy activists. After Djaka’s appointment was announced, a government spokesperson clarified that Djaka had resigned earlier in the month. Rights activists called on the government to protect freedom of expression and said the attack was not without recent precedent. In March 2025, unknown individuals sent a disturbing package to the offices of the magazine Tempo, in what was similarly understood to be efforts to intimidate critical reporting. 

Sources: Nikkei Asia, Jakarta Post, Kompas

Indonesia’s Constitutional Court ruled three parts of the 1946 criminal code criminalizing the dissemination of fake news and defamation unconstitutional on 17 April. Human rights and press freedom advocates hailed the decision as a small but significant victory for freedom of expression, as these parts of the criminal code had historically been used to punish fair criticism of government officials. Defamation remains criminalized in Indonesia under numerous statutes, and the United Nations and Human Rights Watch have criticized other elements of the country’s codes and statutes which similarly limit freedom of expression and the press. However, advocates say the ruling provides a strong precedent which will allow other petitioners to challenge the constitutionality of other statutes.

Sources: Aliansi Jurnalis Independen, Reuters, Human Rights Watch

On 14 and 15 April, the Attorney General’s Office arrested four judges who recently acquitted three palm oil companies of corruptly obtaining export licenses. The arrests were related to charges that those judges allegedly accepted IDR 60 billion (USD 3.6 million) from the companies’ lawyers in exchange for their decision. Corruption in the judiciary has proved durable in Indonesia despite some efforts to counteract it, with one watchdog cataloguing 29 cases with bribes totalling IDR 108 billion (USD 6.5 million). The arrests come in the wake of attempts by both former President Joko Widodo and President Prabowo Subianto to curb judicial corruption by increasing judges’ salaries, but experts say stronger oversight of judicial conduct and an increased focus on ethics in recruitment may be needed to stamp out judicial corruption. The Supreme Court has promised to remove the judges if they are found guilty and to consider stronger oversight mechanisms.

Sources: Jakarta Post, Reuters

The Constitutional Court ruled on 20 March that national and local legislators are barred from resigning their posts with the stated purpose of contesting regional executive elections. Regional elections are typically held several months after national elections, and the complaint detailed numerous cases where newly-elected MPs resigned ostensibly to contest regional elections, but in practice appeared to be resigning to allow party leadership to reallocate parliamentary seats for personal or patrimonial considerations. In the most recent electoral cycle, nineteen MPs-elect resigned their seats between winning election and taking their seats to instead contest the November 2024 regional head elections. Lawmakers critical and supportive of the ruling said parliament plans to take its guidance into account as it revises electoral laws in upcoming parliamentary sessions.

Source: Jakarta Post, Kompas

President Prabowo Subianto appointed a currently serving general to run the state’s food procurement company on 11 February, the first time that a general has served in such a role since the military-dominated authoritarian government of Suharto of 1967-1998. Indonesian legal experts and rights activists argued the appointment violated laws that limit the appointment of military service members to government posts to a limited number of defence-related ministries. The move is part of a broader trend of relying on the military to carry out civilian government projects that has raised warnings about a “slippery slope” of return to the military-dominated government of Suharto-era Indonesia. Prabowo-allied members of parliament are also planning to introduce a bill to allow generals to be appointed to top civilian government jobs.

Update: Indonesia ratified amendments to Law No. 34 of 2004 on the Indonesian National Armed Forces on 20 March allowing members of the military to occupy positions in 14 civilian ministries. Military officials will also no longer have to resign or retire in order to take up civilian posts. Indonesian civil society and student activists criticized the lack of transparency of deliberations and the speed with which the bill was passed: only two months after President Prabowo requested it. The announcement was met with large student protests outside the parliament building.

Sources: Reuters, Jakarta Post (1), Jakarta Post (2), Dari Mulut, The Jakarta Post (3)

Indonesia’s parliament revised the country’s mining law on 18 February, giving religious groups, small businesses, and university-owned entities priority status in owning and operating mines. The decision was protested by student groups opposed to university participation in mining and condemned by civil society organizations for weakening governance and environmental oversight of the sector. Critics are particularly concerned about the ability of the above “nontraditional mining actors” to obtain concessions without a public tender, which would exempt them from demonstrating environmental, technical, or financial qualifications and provides significant opportunities for corruption and political clientelism. The bill’s proponents say it will distribute Indonesia’s mining wealth more equitably and that it includes stricter controls on land use.

Sources: Jakarta Post, Reuters, Monga Bay, ASEAN Briefing

Indonesia launched an annual free health screening program for all Indonesians on 10 February in an effort to improve public health through earlier detection of chronic and congenital diseases. Together with a program providing free lunch for all students, the health screenings were one of President Prabowo’s core election promises. However, civil society and legal experts have raised concerns about the practicality and legality of funding the programs through cutting expenditures in much of the public sector. The budget cuts have not been made transparently and the government has not made clear how the size or distribution of budget cuts was determined or justified. Civil servants have raised concerns about their ability to continue to effectively carry out their duties. Civil society criticism has focused on cuts at anti-corruption, law enforcement, and the judiciary in particular, raising concerns about judicial oversight and the ability to investigate or prosecute anti-corruption cases.

Sources: South China Morning Post, Jakarta Post (1), Jakarta Post (2), Jakarta Post (3), Jakarta Post (4), Indonesia Business Post

The House of Representatives (DPR) unanimously opted to revise DPR Regulation 1 of 2020 on 3 February, thereby granting itself the power to “periodically evaluate” all state officials appointed by the government and make binding recommendations for their dismissal. The agencies subject to the new oversight rules include the Corruption Eradication Commission, the General Election Commission, the Constitutional Court, and the Supreme Court. Legal experts criticized the new rules as unconstitutional and as excessive legislative interference in the operations of independent executive agencies. While by statute the DPR has the power to nominate and investigative officials, the new rules conflict with existing statutes defining evaluation and dismissal separately for each agency and delegating the decision to the executive. Constitutional law experts say the rule is a violation of the separation of powers and amounts to legislative overreach. Under the new rules, the DPR could dismiss civil servants who are not aligned with the government’s politics swiftly and without going through established procedures for legislative oversight.

Sources: Jakarta Post (1), Kompas, Jakarta Post (2)