Indonesia
The Republic of Indonesia performs in the mid-range in Representation, Rights and Rule of Law and is high-performing in Participation. It ranks in the top 25 per cent globally in Civil Society, Civic Engagement and Electoral Participation. Compared to five years prior, Indonesia has experienced declines in Access to Justice, Credible Elections, Effective Parliament, Judicial Independence and Predictable Enforcement. The fourth most populous nation in the world and home to the largest population of Muslims globally, Indonesia has a service-based economy largely dependent on domestic consumption.
Modern Indonesia encompasses an enormous diversity of ethnic and cultural groups on hundreds of islands and boasts both global megacities and uncontacted Papuan tribes. Over the course of the 20th century, Indonesians constructed a national identity through the conscious choice, primarily of youth, to promote the national language and a national motto of ‘Unity in Diversity.’ Following decades of struggle against a repressive Dutch colonial regime and Japanese occupation, the longtime nationalist leader Soekarno became the first president of independent Indonesia in 1945. Soekarno’s increasingly unstable rule ended in 1965, when the army general Soeharto seized power. He oversaw mass killings and a 32-year ‘New Order’ authoritarian regime. Riots fueled by the Asian Financial Crisis compelled his resignation in 1998, ushering in the reformasi period and a cycle of democratization, but party politics remain heavily fragmented and often depend on patronage and clientelist networks.
Contemporary national political cleavages revolve around secular and religious divides, with political parties maintaining distinct views on state-Islam relations. Gender is caught up in these cleavages, as conceptions of private morality and women’s roles in society are negotiated using these frameworks. In recent years laws have been more conservative; in December 2022, Parliament adopted a new law that criminalized extramarital sex and unmarried cohabitation. Over the past decade, Indonesia has made progress in achieving gender parity in education and increasing women’s political participation through legislated candidate quotas. However, women’s labor force participation remains low and gender-based violence is a pressing issue.
In recent years, the weakening of the country’s Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) has been reflected in the Absence of Corruption metrics. Recent elections have seen allegations of governmental interference in the judiciary, including a controversial court ruling to lower the age limit of presidential candidates. There are also broad socio-economic disparities between Indonesia’s diverse islands; almost half the population lives in rural areas where access to basic services and resources is poor, with ‘circular migration’ to urban areas for work. Separatist movements have marked Indonesian history, including the secession of Timor Leste in 1999, the independence struggle in Aceh, which ended after the devastating tsunami in 2004 and ongoing unrest and armed groups aiming for independence in West Papua province.
The return of the military to politics in recent years indicates that it will be important to watch factors of the Rule of Law in the next several years. Judicial Independence in particular should be monitored, given recent politicized court rulings and jockeying for power between the various branches of government. Continued political conflict over the management of natural resources and environmental sectors may be reflected in Absence of Corruption or affect socio-political stability between the islands.
Last Updated: June 2025
https://www.idea.int/democracytracker/
August 2025
Protests over parliamentary members’ stipends turn violent
At least ten people have been killed and thousands arrested in nationwide protests that began in Jakarta on 25 August. The protests were initially a response to plans to increase parliamentary living stipends by IDR 100 million (USD 6,150), thirty times greater than the median wage, and became violent after a police vehicle struck and killed a motorcyclist. Protests then spread to other cities around the country and public grievances expanded to include more general economic issues and dissatisfaction with a political class seen as self-dealing. The homes of MPs and government offices were ransacked or set on fire, and police responded to protesters with tear gas and rubber bullets. President Prabowo announced on 31 August the revocation of the increased living stipend and promised the military and police would restore public order.
Sources: The Diplomat (1), The Diplomat (2), Jakarta Post (1), Jakarta Post (2), Jakarta Post (3)
Pardons of political rivals raises questions
Indonesian President Prabowo pardoned his political rivals, Thomas Lembong and Hasto Kristiyanto, on 1 August, after both were separately convicted in corruption-related cases. Hasto is the secretary-general of the opposition Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) and Thomas a former trade minister. Anticorruption and legal experts said the pardons are evidence of excessive interference in the judiciary, as neither case had exhausted the appeals process. Anticorruption experts separately criticized the pardons as undermining efforts to enforce anti-graft and corruption laws in the country, and that the timing and nature of the pardons suggest that Prabowo may have pardoned Hasto to win support or political concessions from the PDI-P. The president’s office said the pardons were to promote ‘national interests and public unity.’
Sources: Jakarta Post, Reuters, University of Melbourne
May 2025
Journalists attacked, threatened for critical speech
A journalist for the news website Detik retracted an op-ed in May criticizing the appointment of Army general Djaka Budi Utama to a high-level Finance Ministry position after being physically assaulted twice by masked attackers the same day the op-ed was published. The editorial criticized Djaka’s appointment as being outside the scope allowed for active-duty generals as permitted by law, as well as for his conviction in 1999 for overseeing the kidnapping and ‘disappearing’ of pro-democracy activists. After Djaka’s appointment was announced, a government spokesperson clarified that Djaka had resigned earlier in the month. Rights activists called on the government to protect freedom of expression and said the attack was not without recent precedent. In March 2025, unknown individuals sent a disturbing package to the offices of the magazine Tempo, in what was similarly understood to be efforts to intimidate critical reporting.
Sources: Nikkei Asia, Jakarta Post, Kompas
April 2025
Court ruling limits scope of defamation claims
Indonesia’s Constitutional Court ruled three parts of the 1946 criminal code criminalizing the dissemination of fake news and defamation unconstitutional on 17 April. Human rights and press freedom advocates hailed the decision as a small but significant victory for freedom of expression, as these parts of the criminal code had historically been used to punish fair criticism of government officials. Defamation remains criminalized in Indonesia under numerous statutes, and the United Nations and Human Rights Watch have criticized other elements of the country’s codes and statutes which similarly limit freedom of expression and the press. However, advocates say the ruling provides a strong precedent which will allow other petitioners to challenge the constitutionality of other statutes.
Sources: Aliansi Jurnalis Independen, Reuters, Human Rights Watch
Arrest of judges highlights lack of oversight
On 14 and 15 April, the Attorney General’s Office arrested four judges who recently acquitted three palm oil companies of corruptly obtaining export licenses. The arrests were related to charges that those judges allegedly accepted IDR 60 billion (USD 3.6 million) from the companies’ lawyers in exchange for their decision. Corruption in the judiciary has proved durable in Indonesia despite some efforts to counteract it, with one watchdog cataloguing 29 cases with bribes totalling IDR 108 billion (USD 6.5 million). The arrests come in the wake of attempts by both former President Joko Widodo and President Prabowo Subianto to curb judicial corruption by increasing judges’ salaries, but experts say stronger oversight of judicial conduct and an increased focus on ethics in recruitment may be needed to stamp out judicial corruption. The Supreme Court has promised to remove the judges if they are found guilty and to consider stronger oversight mechanisms.
Sources: Jakarta Post, Reuters
March 2025
Constitutional Court acts to prevent strategic MP resignations
The Constitutional Court ruled on 20 March that national and local legislators are barred from resigning their posts with the stated purpose of contesting regional executive elections. Regional elections are typically held several months after national elections, and the complaint detailed numerous cases where newly-elected MPs resigned ostensibly to contest regional elections, but in practice appeared to be resigning to allow party leadership to reallocate parliamentary seats for personal or patrimonial considerations. In the most recent electoral cycle, nineteen MPs-elect resigned their seats between winning election and taking their seats to instead contest the November 2024 regional head elections. Lawmakers critical and supportive of the ruling said parliament plans to take its guidance into account as it revises electoral laws in upcoming parliamentary sessions.
Source: Jakarta Post, Kompas
See all event reports for this country
Global ranking per category of democratic performance in 2024
Basic Information
Human Rights Treaties
State party
Signatory
No action
Performance by category over the last 6 months
Election factsheets
Global State of Democracy Indices
Hover over the trend lines to see the exact data points across the years
Factors of Democratic Performance Over Time
Use the slider below to see how democratic performance has changed over time
