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On 3 September 2012, International IDEA presented its Electoral Risk Management Tool  to the staff of Nepal’s Election Commission (ECN), at the newly established Election Education and Information Center (EEIC)^* in Kathmandu.

La transformación económica y social de América Latina experimentada en las últimas tres décadas tiene en su haber un profundo proceso de cambio político institucional, básicamente centrado en la constitución de estructuras democráticas de gobierno y mecanismos institucionales de toma de decisiones.

En el marco del último proceso electoral provincial cordobés, celebrado el pasado 7 de agosto de 2011, el Consejo para la Planificación Estratégica de la Provincia de Córdoba (COPEC) elaboró un informe basado en la Jornada “Reflexiones sobre las experiencias de la Boleta Única de Sufragio y el Voto Electrónico en la Provincia de Córdoba”, realizada el 21 de septiembre de 2011 en la sede del COPEC.

How do countries around the world regulate the role that money plays in politics?

To help answer this question, in March 2012 International IDEA launched its Political Finance Database, containing data on political finance regulations in force in 180 countries.

América Latina tiene motivos para sentirse satisfecha.

La democracia se ha consolidado y hoy la alternancia en el poder sucede sin los traumas del pasado. La pobreza en la región se ha reducido. Nuestra ciudadanía está cada vez más educada.

En los últimos diez años, la economía peruana ha crecido a las mayores tasas de la región, ha logrado reducir de forma importante los niveles de pobreza y también los niveles de desigualdad. Este panorama sin duda positivo, contrasta con un malestar ciudadano, el más generalizado y persistente de la región, con el funcionamiento de la economía y con el desempeño de la democracia en el país.

Constitutional reform processes within a particular country are often about responding to broad challenges of peace building, reconciliation, inclusion and socio-economic development in a way that is seen as legitimate and is widely accepted.

El 11 de septiembre de 2001, en una sesión extraordinaria de la Asamblea General de la Organización de los Estados Americanos en Lima, Perú, los Estados Miembros adoptaron unánimemente la Carta Democrática Interamericana.

Hace algo más de dos décadas, en 1989, se rompió el frente Izquierda Unida. Han pasado más de 20 años y se requiere de una revisión crítica de lo que significó—tanto en sus aspectos positivos como negativos— la participación de la izquierda en el Perú, y esto es lo que se pretende con este volumen.

Elections are an essential feature of representative democracy, but can also involve conflict. If elections go beyond debate and get out of hand, it can result in election related violence. The outcome: death and suffering, destroyed communities with crippled local economies and development prospects. Moreover, it harms credibility and faith in democratic processes and institutions.

Al cumplirse el décimo aniversario de la Carta Democrática Interamericana, International IDEA, la Unidad Andina para la Gobernabilidad Democrática del gobierno del Canadá, la Asociación Civil Transparencia y el Grupo de Amigos de las Carta del Centro Carter decidieron realizar en conjunto una jornada titulada ‘La democracia en el marco de la Carta Democrática Interamericana’.

Democratic accountability refers to the many ways in which citizens, political parties, parliaments and other democratic actors can provide feedback to, reward or sanction officials in charge of setting and enacting public policy.

The election of 197 women to the Constituent Assembly (CA) of Nepal in 2008 was a historic achievement and raised hopes with regard to ensuring gender equality in the constitution-building process.

The elected women comprised almost 33 per cent of the 601 members and included former politicians, women activists, professionals, former combatants and war widows.

Democratization in conflict-affected countries is a multidimensional challenge. Implementing democracy-assistance programs requires more sustained and strategic security, political and development support.

The threat posed by drugs and organized crime is one of the most serious challenges the five Andean democracies face today.

Drug policy has dominated the diplomatic and economic agendas between the countries, contributing to tensions among the governments and impeding cooperation on other priorities.

For over two decades, since the start of the so-called second wave of democratization, many voices in the Arab world have been calling for the implementation of radical reforms to the systems, institutions, frameworks and practices of all levels of governance in the region.

Beginning in late 2010, from Tunisia, Egypt and Libya to Syria, Yemen, Bahrain and Jordan, countries of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region have experienced individualized versions of what has come to be known as ‘The Arab Spring’.

In this context, moreover, these countries are now confronting their own versions of the multi-faceted, multi-layered democratic transition agenda.

The debate over whether religion has any ‘public’ role in a democratic transition is not limited to the question of electoral and legislative involvement by religious groups.

The common idea about the Arab democracy deficit is that it must have something to do with the rigidity of the way religion functions in the socio-political setting of the region. 

In September 2011 in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA) and International IDEA jointly organized a conference on how to best address the role of customary governance structures in a variety of current and potential future democracy-building contexts.

Election experts from all over the world met in Gaborone, Botswana, on 7–9 March 2011 for the 5th Global Electoral Organization (GEO) conference, organized by International IDEA and the Botswana Independent Electoral Commission (IEC).