By Kristen Sample
Senior Programme Officer, International IDEA
Thirty years after the start of the third wave of democracy in Latin America, the “final frontier” for policymakers and civil society has been to ensure that democracy works for all citizens in equal measure, regardless of gender.
While recent years have witnessed an increase in both the number and percentage of women in politics - embodied by the rise to power of two female presidents, Michelle Bachelet in Chile and Cristina Fernandez in Argentina – their election has, in turn, generated a renewed debate on the state of women in politics today in Latin America. The reality, perhaps surprising, is that the progress of women in assuming elected office in Latin America varies considerably, between countries and even within countries, and nationally and sub-nationally, as summarized below:
Percentage of women represented in elected office
|
Legislature
(unicameral or
lower chamber) |
Mayor |
Municipal
Council |
| Argentina |
40% |
9% |
n/a |
| Bolivia |
17% |
5% |
19% |
| Brazil |
9% |
9% |
13% |
| Chile |
15% |
13% |
23% |
| Colombia |
8% |
9% |
15% |
| Costa Rica |
37% |
10% |
48% |
| Cuba |
43% |
n/a |
27% |
| Dominican Republic |
20% |
11% |
27% |
| Ecuador |
26% |
6% |
23% |
| El Salvador |
17% |
8% |
21% |
| Guatemala |
9% |
2% |
6% |
| Honduras |
23% |
8% |
20% |
| Mexico |
23% |
4% |
28% |
| Nicaragua* |
19% |
10% |
38% |
| Panama |
17% |
9% |
0% |
| Paraguay |
13% |
6% |
21% |
| Peru |
29% |
3% |
28% |
| Uruguay |
12% |
n/a |
n/a |
| Venezuela* |
18% |
7% |
18% |
* does not include results of November 2008 municipal elections
Show Me Your Electoral Code and I’ll Predict Your Gender Gap
If you’re curious as to why some Latin American legislatures approach 40% female representation, whereas others are stalled at around 10%, it may surprise you to know that the fields of anthropology, sociology and economics have less to tell us than the little known—and highly wonky—subset of political science known as “electoral engineering.” In short, electoral system design is both an art and a science, and one which is not gender neutral. The choice of electoral system has an enormous impact on the number of women elected to public office, perhaps more than any other single factor.
For instance, one basic ground rule: “list” systems – in which electors select from lists of candidates - are far better at facilitating the election of women (and minority groups) than “first past the post” systems (as found in the US, UK and Canada) as they encourage parties to develop comparatively more balanced candidate lists. When a party has to bet on one candidate for a legislative seat —as is the case of a “first past the post” system—the slot generally goes to a man. When the party presents a “list” of candidates to represent a legislative district, however, it is more apt to balance the list by assigning selected slots to women. That’s why of the ten countries with the highest percentage of women legislators, nine of them have some variation of the list system.
(Note to readers who are hardcore anti affirmative action, please skip ahead—as you always do—to “long term strategies”.) Given the generally strong imbalance in political representation between men and women, some list systems mandate that parties include minimum levels, or quotas, of women in their candidate lists. (The day political parties voluntarily and regularly include women in their lists, quotas will become obsolete.) For instance, in Chile—where quotas have not been approved despite the best efforts of President Bachelet-- researcher Marcela Rios has found that less than 10 per cent of candidates presented by parties between 1989 and 2005 were women. In contrast, Ecuador has adopted a parity-based quota system which requires that women and men be equally represented in the candidate lists.
Two specific examples that demonstrate the importance of the design of the electoral system to more balanced representation:
Why does Argentina have 40% women legislators, while neighboring Brazil has only 8%? Both countries have list systems with gender quotas, but they’re only effective in Argentina where parties run “closed” lists and are required to alternate men and women in “electable” positions higher up in the list. Brazil, on the other hand, allows parties to present a number of candidates equivalent to as much as 150% of the number of seats being contested and there is no sanction for noncompliance with the quota. Additionally, under Brazil’s candidate-centered “open” list system, success is more dependent on access to campaign funding, an area in which women face greater disadvantages.
Why do women account for nearly one in three legislators in Peru, but only one in 36 mayors? There are at least two reasons for this. First, representatives in collective bodies (legislatures, town councils) in Peru are elected from “list positions” while executives (president, departmental president and mayor) are chosen from a “first-past-the-post” system. Additionally, a 30% quota applies to the legislature and local councils, but not to mayors or other executive positions.
Low hanging fruit
First, the good news. We know what we have to do. We have the technology and the capability to build a more equal political system! A reform of the electoral system can catapult women through the political glass ceiling of their local parliament or town council. In Ecuador, the percentage of women legislators jumped from 3 per cent to 17 per cent in just one election cycle after quotas were adopted. In that sense, electoral engineering and quotas are the ultimate low hanging fruit!
Except when they’re not.
After an initial wave of quota legislation in Latin America (11 countries between 1991 and 2000), the Region seems to have hit a dry spell. There are a number of countries—Colombia, Chile, and Uruguay—where quota legislation has been under debate, but with no clear victory in sight. Equally important, countries with ineffective quota legislation (Brazil being a clear case in point) show little progress toward eliminating the loopholes and technicalities that continue to hinder the election of women.
What quotas can’t do
So as much as one would like to live off the low hanging fruit, the truth is that a more balanced diet is in order. Even if quotas were passed throughout Latin America, it’s important to recognize that they can’t do a number of things:
- Quotas can’t get us more women presidents, governors or mayors. According to Argentine expert Alejandra Massolo, women only hold 5.5% of the mayoral posts in Latin America. At the regional level, only two of 10 countries reach double digits in terms of women governors. Since quotas cannot be applied to single member posts, they are inapplicable to these offices.
- Quotas can’t keep women in politics. With the increasing numbers of women in political office in some countries, it’s become clear that getting there is not everything. Women can only make a difference in politics to the extent that they are able to consolidate their political career and capital through re-election and posts with increasing responsibility. Though data is scarce, recent International IDEA research in Peru is worrisome, showing that only 16% of women elected authorities sought re-election in 2006, compared with 34% men.
- Quotas can’t make women effective politicians. Though the numbers of women elected officials may be on the rise in some countries, there is no guarantee that they will perform well in political life (just as there’s been no such guarantee for male political leaders during the last 25 centuries give or take). While their inclusion is important on principle as well as through ensuring the representation of women’s interests and perspectives, ultimately it’s up to individual women to maximize their impact on the political process. One strategy widely promoted by the Inter-Parliamentary Union is: “Know the rules, use the rules, change the rules.” Often this can be done more effectively, if women are willing to work join together across party lines to mobilize through women’s caucuses or other networks.
Long-term strategies
Given that electoral engineering and quotas can only get us so far, change also depends on a series of long-term strategies that involve institutions and civil societies.
Government. As recently as ten years ago, the Nordic countries were seen as the only examples of gender nirvana where women were on the verge of reaching gender parity with men. Today, Latin American feminists frequently point to Spain as an example of how comprehensive government commitment can help close the gender gap. Spain’s Prime Minister José Luis Rodriquez Zapatero, a self-proclaimed “feminist”, is doing more than talking the talk. Under his leadership, Spain has promoted parity in the cabinet (currently 9 women to 8 men), electoral lists and corporate boards. Just as importantly, the Zapatero government has moved beyond these legislative measures to affect cultural norms and mores as evidenced by the public service announcements aimed at ending domestic violence and at reminding men of their responsibility to do an equal share of housework.
Political parties. Parties are the ultimate political gatekeepers in that they define candidate lists. Although women account for almost half of party membership in Latin America, it is all too common to hear parties lament around election time that “no hay mujeres” (there are no women). This discourse reveals parties’ longstanding inability to either turn their current members into leaders or to proactively identify and recruit women members with political potential. In addition, parties need to democratize their leadership structures and reform their financing mechanisms to ensure increased participation by women. Not only are these changes the “right” thing to do, they are also in the long-term interests of leaders sincerely interested in party renewal. Success in recruiting and promoting women’s leadership may also point the way for engagement of other under-represented sectors in social change processes.
Women party members. Change in political parties will require commitment from the top and pressure from below. Unfortunately, leadership of a party’s “women’s wing” is rarely seen as a desirable position in the party hierarchy, perhaps because it’s been too often charged with tasks like organizing the holiday party or the annual charity drive. Women party members cannot rely on quotas to bring real change to their political organization. Rather, they will need to mobilize and organize for change from within, through alliances that may include other party members, women from other parties and feminist civil society groups.
Media. No longer mere intermediaries between leaders and voters, the media often set the agenda around which politicians design their strategies and citizens form their opinions. But this media-driven agenda often extends beyond the thematic; it also defines the main actors on the political stage, and media coverage can determine which politicians and platforms get public exposure. Research in Latin America has usually pointed to gender differences in both quantitative and qualitative terms. Women candidates tend to receive less coverage than men and media reports are often sexist in nature—highlighting a woman’s appearance or questioning how she balances her career and family life. In short, the media are part of the gender imbalance problem. In order for them to be part of the solution, it’s necessary that they desist from chauvinistic views of politics and give female political leaders equal voice.
Civil society. Feminist organizations have been crucial in the fight for political equality in Latin America. In recent years however, it appears that the links between feminist organizations and feminist politicians are weakening, mirroring a broader disconnect between civil society and political parties in general. For women politicians, this distance is particularly devastating. Given the resistance they face from their parties, women politicians need support from feminist organizations—and indeed civil society in general—for votes, volunteers, ideas, organizational support, pressure and funding. The impact of Emily’s List—a US political action committee—as a vehicle for candidate fundraising is particularly telling. Closer to home we have the recent example of the campaign “Mas mujeres, mas política” in Colombia—made up of local NGOs and international agencies-- which quantified, ranked and widely publicized the degree to which parties fell short on the gender equity agenda.
In short, real progress has been made under the third wave of democratization in guaranteeing the fuller participation of women in political life. Still, progress has been uneven. While electoral engineering and quotas have helped to address how parties and candidates are elected, significant deficiencies remain, both between and within individual countries. The good news is that complementary strategies—working intensively with the government, political parties, the media, civil society and with the candidates themselves—have been tried and tested. With their application comes the hope that full and equitable participation of women as representatives at all levels of government will not take a further 30 years.
International IDEA supports research, policy advice and democratic reform aimed at increasing women’s political participation. International IDEA works with political parties, legislators, electoral courts and civil society and has recently published a “best practices” guide for supporting gender equality in Latin American political parties.
This article was originally published on openDemocracy’s website 4 February 2009, as part of International IDEA's and openDemocracy's online discussion forum on the theme ‘Democracy Support: Where Now?’
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